For about two decades, Minnesotan authorities sidestepped reports of fraud by Somali claimants of benefits, such as the federally-funded child-care assistance program (CCAP).
For an even longer period, British authorities rebuffed white girls who complained of being plied with alcohol and drugs, trafficked between towns, held in houses or offices for days at a time, raped, beaten, doused with petrol, branded, and threatened with murder by mostly Pakistani men.
How are these Minnesotan and British cases similar?
In both countries, the criminals organized by religion and ethnicity, and victimized their opposites. Official authorities were reluctant to investigate crimes by that religion and ethnicity, and doubted the accusers. The ruling political party over-represented the religion and ethnicity around which the criminals organized. Meanwhile, nominally non-partisan institutions were captured by multicultural ideology.
Even today, Britons normatively use the euphemisms invented by the woke: ‘grooming’ for the horrendous crimes inflicted on the girls; and ‘Asians’ for the mostly Pakistani perpetrators, and even for perpetrators from the Middle East and Africa, including Somalia.
Islamist and ethnic organization
The groomers were Muslim, their victims were not. The groomers explicitly targeted non-Muslims (mostly white, sometimes Indian-heritage) from troubled backgrounds.
Some groomers used othering to justify abuse. For instance, Arshid Hussain, a British-Pakistani Muslim resident of Rotherham, forced a 14-year-old to her knees, called her a ‘white bitch and trash,’ and stated that ‘Asian women didn’t perform oral sex as it was against their religion.’ This we know from the judge’s sentencing remarks in 2016, except the transcript was not released in full until this month.
One victim has testified (under the pseudonym Sammy Woodhouse) that her abuses ‘made it clear that because I was a non-Muslim, and not a virgin, and because I didn’t dress “modestly”, that they believed I deserved to be “punished”.’
In Minnesota, the main victims are taxpayers and legitimate low-income families, some Somali, but mostly white. The first undisputed fact is that the number of Somali-owned daycare businesses operating from homes skyrocketed by more than 2000 times in ten years, since the first was registered in 2000.
Starting in 2016, former employees and competing daycare owners reported that dozens to hundreds of daycare operators were billing CCAP for fake children, children in Somalia, and exaggerated hours. By 2018, Fox 9 News Minneapolis estimated up to $100 million in fraud per year. Minnesota spent roughly $1 billion annually on CCAP from 2014 to 2019. In some zip codes, state payments to Somali daycare providers exceeded reported household income by 5 to 10 times.
In 2022, the FBI and IRS revealed charges against 47 people (that number has since increased to more than 70) involved in a nonprofit’s (Feeding Our Future’s) exploitation of federal child nutrition programs, such as the Child & Adult Care Food Program.
The Center of the American Experiment specifies nearly $662 million in state losses across related schemes, including Feeding Our Future ($240M+), Medicaid ($150M+), and food programs ($100M+). President Donald Trump blames Tim Walz (Governor of Minnesota) for ‘billions’ of lost dollars.
Allegedly, money was laundered through hawala networks, and used to purchase real estate and luxury vehicles. Suitcases of cash were leaving the airport, to fund relatives, al-Shabab terrorists, and other organized criminals abroad (according to FBI affidavits in the unrelated but contemporaneous ‘Operation Limelight’).
Official reluctance to investigate
British authorities routinely dismissed victims as ‘child prostitutes’ or ‘making lifestyle choices.’ They rebuffed even the crime of statutory rape (which applies even if the child is ‘making lifestyle choices’). Physical evidence, such as insemination and wounds, went unrecorded. Parents were dismissed as racists.
The most reported local authority is Rotherham, South Yorkshire. In 2014, an independent inquiry by Professor Alexis Jay found that at least 1,400 children were exploited there from 1997 to 2013. Home Office consulted police and council officials in 2001. Yet officials expressed fear that pursuing Pakistani perpetrators would ‘cause unrest in the community’. Police were ordered not to enter houses occupied by Pakistanis. Some frustrated fathers tried to rescue their daughters, only to be arrested for breach of the peace, while the abusers stayed free.
Criminal investigations were rare and late. Most did not end in convictions. Sentences were light. Courts routinely issue longer prison sentences for a politically-incorrect Tweet than a rape.
Other cities found similar: Rochdale, thousands of victims, but only nine men convicted; Oxford, hundreds of victims, but only seven men jailed, for abusing six girls; Telford, more than 1,000 victims, only about 35 convicts; Oldham (2022), hundreds of victims, around 20 convicts, including a welfare officer; and Manchester, thousands of victims, more than 1,000 suspects, but only about 20 convicts.
Altogether, these reports suggest that 84 to 100 percent of the abusers per locality were Muslim men, despite representing 5 percent of the local population.
Yet in 2020, the Home Office claimed the data are too ‘bias[ed]’ or ‘poor’ to confirm that Muslims, Pakistanis, or immigrants are over-represented in the rape gangs. The Home Office willfully preferred to report the offending rate in the national population, in which whites are the majority: ‘Research has found that group-based child sexual exploitation offenders are most commonly white.’ The Guardian reported gleefully that the Home Office ‘dispels myth of “Asian grooming gangs” popularised by far right.’
In a similar sleight of hand, Minnesota’s Department of Human Services (DHS) repeatedly found ‘no widespread fraud.’ It canceled a few licenses to operate, but did not systematically investigate the reports. DHS cited privacy concerns in opposition to lawsuits to obtain data on payouts, even though the data are supposed to be public.
State officials, state legislators (particularly from Somali districts), US Representative Ilhan Omar, and Islamic Center leaders routinely dismissed the reporting of fraud as ‘anti-immigrant’ or ‘Islamophobic.’ The Star Tribune framed it as ‘right-wing fearmongering.’
The federal investigations into Feeding Our Future, which had started in 2019, were hampered by counter-accusations of racism.
To this day, almost none of the major daycare-fraud allegations reported since 2016 have resulted in criminal charges.
Political pressure from ethnic and religious voting blocks
Now let’s turn to explanations for official neglect of these religious-ethnic crimes.
